Category Archives: Uncategorized

Kenya Counties List

The 2010 constitution of Kenya created 47 counties. Here is the list

  1. Baringo County
  2. Bomet County
  3. Bungoma County
  4. Busia County
  5. Elgeyo Marakwet County
  6. Embu County
  7. Garissa County
  8. Homa Bay County
  9. Isiolo County
  10. Kajiado County
  11. Kakamega County
  12. Kericho County
  13. Kiambu County
  14. Kilifi County
  15. Kirinyaga County
  16. Kisii County
  17. Kisumu County
  18. Kitui County
  19. Kwale County
  20. Laikipia County
  21. Lamu County
  22. Machakos County
  23. Makueni County
  24. Mandera County
  25. Meru County
  26. Migori County
  27. Marsabit County
  28. Mombasa County
  29. Muranga County
  30. Nairobi County
  31. Nakuru County
  32. Nandi County
  33. Narok County
  34. Nyamira County
  35. Nyandarua County
  36. Nyeri County
  37. Samburu County
  38. Siaya County
  39. Taita Taveta County
  40. Tana River County
  41. Tharaka Nithi County
  42. Trans Nzoia County
  43. Turkana County
  44. Uasin Gishu County
  45. Vihiga County
  46. Wajir County
  47. West Pokot Count


Adrian Muteshi dies

Mr Adrian Gilbert Muteshi, the man who won a land grabbing case against Deputy President William Ruto in 2013, has died.

Mr Muteshi died Tuesday, October 27, 2020, according to an obituary placed by his family in the Daily Nation today (Wednesday).

The family did not disclose the cause of his death. He was 87.

In 2013, the DP was ordered to pay Sh5 million to Mr Muteshi, a 2008 post-election violence victim, for illegally occupying his land.

Mr Muteshi had accused Dr Ruto of hatching a plot to grab his 100-acre farm in Uasin Gishu during the 2008 post-election violence when he (Mr Muteshi) had fled for his safety.

The High Court in Nairobi ruled that Mr Muteshi had proved that the property was his and that he had been deprived of it.

Dr Ruto had stated that he was an innocent buyer who had heard that some land was being sold and conducted due diligence before purchasing it from people he believed to be the owners of the property.

The DP, who at the time was set to stand trial at the International Criminal Court over charges related to the post-election violence, told the court he had offered to vacate the land in an out-of-court settlement.

But the deal collapsed when Mr Muteshi demanded compensation and payment of the cost of his suit.

The matter went to trial, and Mr Ruto chose not to give oral evidence in court.

However, he sent Uasin Gishu businessman Hosea Ruto, who was involved in the land sale, to testify on his behalf.

Lady Justice Rose Ougo concluded that evidence showed that Mr Muteshi owned the land and that he still had the title deed.

She also concluded that the land was irregularly and fraudulently sub-divided and sold to the DP.

She, however, did not hold Dr Ruto liable in the irregular dealings with the land.

“I can only attribute the irregular acts to Hosea Ruto (Mr Ruto’s witness) as Honourable Ruto chose not to testify,” Justice Ougo said then.

The businessman was the only witness the Deputy President presented to the court in his defence.

MOI AS I KNEW HIM By Oduor Ong’wen

There has been an outpouring of love, adoration and canonisation of former President Daniel arap Moi since the announcement of his death yesterday. I don’t begrudge those trying to sanitise the departed former president and portray him as a saint. They have every right to do so because that is how they knew him. In their tributes, many have described Moi as “the best leader this country ever produced.” The Moi I knew doesn’t fit this description. In African traditions, it is unacceptable to talk ill of the dead – more so if the deceased was an elder. So, I will seek to not to condemn him but to describe the man as I knew him and let history do the judgement. Those who have acknowledged that the departed former president was not a paragon of virtue have averred Moi was a good man and a democrat until the abortive coup of August 1982 and his oppressive mien emerged as a reaction to the putsch. That is the narrative I seek to debunk.
Those without memory lapses will recall that even before ascending to presidency, Moi was part of political assassinations and/or cover-ups of the same. In March 1975 when JM Kariuki was reported missing and before his body was discovered disfigured and dumped at the City Mortuary, the then-Vice President Moi without batting an eyelid told Parliament that JM was alive and on a business trip to Zambia. It later transpired that very senior people in government – especially the police – were responsible to for the legislator’s execution and attempts at concealment. Moi lied to Kenya with a straight face.

On ascending to power in 1978, Moi sought to either kill or neuter any potential institutional challenge to his autocratic rule, however modest. Barely a year into his presidency, he in 1979 banned student union – the Nairobi University Students Organisation (NUSO) – and expelled the entire leadership comprising among others Rumba Kinuthia, Otieno Kajwang’, Mukhisa Kituyi, Josiah Omotto and Wafula Siakama. This was followed in quick succession by the proscription of University Staff Union (UASU) and the Kenya Union of Civil Servants in 1980. Simultaneously, the Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) and Maendeleo ya Wanawake were coopted and later made affiliates of Kanu, the only political party.

As if the killing of these institutions was not enough, Moi went ahead to politically harass individuals that were seen as posing real or perceived threat. In August 1980, Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o was arrested twice in a move clearly aimed at intimidating the dons that had been at core of UASU leadership. Others subjected to routine harassment were Oki Ooko-Ombaka, Micere Mugo, Mukaru Ng’ang’a, Katama Mkangi and Shadrack Gutto. In May 1981, Moi ordered the expulsion of another lot of student leaders seeking to revive the student union. These included Odindo Opiata, Makau Mutua, Saulo Busolo, George Rubik, Dave Anyona and John Munuve among others. As this happened, Moi closed the university for close to five months and for the first time in the history of the university, we were ordered to report to chiefs on a weekly basis. Despotism had become a hallmark of Moi’s rule.

Parallel to this, and riding the populist crest of fighting tribalism, Moi banned socio-cultural organisations like the Gikuyu Embu Meru Association (GEMA), the New Akamba Union, Luo Union and others.

In May 1982, Jaramogi had made a widely publicized visit to the United Kingdom, where he addressed the British House of Commons, among other engagements. Jaramogi’s address was on “The Role of political Parties in Africa.” A firm believer in the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy, Jaramogi had fought all his adult life to institute and nurture the same in Kenya. This had put him on a permanent collision course with the colonial government (who ironically were practicing the same in their metropolis but subverting efforts to institute it in their colonies) and post-independence oligarchs. Jaramogi’s lecture received very positive coverage in the British press. The Kenyan print media took the cue from the British press but largely ignored the entire content of the address, only reporting that Jaramogi had announced his intention to launch a new political party to challenge KANU’s stranglehold on power.
On May 26, 1982, the Governing Council of the ruling party (composed of 12 members) instructed parliament, the Attorney General Joseph Kamere and Minister for Constitutional Affairs Charles Njonjo to prepare a bill amending the constitution such that Kenya would by law become a one-party state. The resulting bill also proposed to create a new office of the Chief Secretary to serve as head of the public service. On June 9, 1982, after less than one hour of debate, Parliament of 170 members voted 168 to 2 in favour of the amendment.
Between May and June 1982, Moi ordered a crackdown targeting university lecturers, This resulted in detention without trial of Kamoji Wachiira, Edward Oyugi, Mukaru Ng’ang’a and Al Amin Mazrui. Maina wa Kinyatti and Willy Mutunga were charged with trumped up sedition offences. Mutunga’s charges were later withdrawn as he was also detained. Kinyatti was later, on October 18, 1982, sentenced to six years in jail. Others like Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Micere, Nyong’o, Gutto and Kimani Gicau had to flee the country into exile. In this crackdown, scribes were not spared. In apparent reaction to his audacity to stand against “Nyayo candidate” in a Nyeri Town parliamentary by election occasioned by the jailing of ex-freedom fighter Waruru Kanja for “violating foreign exchange laws,” journalist Wang’ondu Kariuki was charged with “possession of seditious publication” called Pambana and jailed for four-and-a half years. It is worth noting that by this time, the tyranny had become so entrenched that the despot had detained even the Deputy Director of Intelligence, Stephen Muriithi. It was at the height of this repression that junior cadres of the Kenya Air Force staged a poorly organized and executed coup. So, the coup was a consequence of Moi’s tyranny – not the converse.
The coup provided Moi with the opportunity and excuse to intensify crack down on lawyers, authors, activists, scientists, and (especially) university lecturers and students perceived to be critical of his authoritarian rule. I was among the more than 70 students arrested and detained at the GSU Training School, Embakasi. Having been held for two months incommunicado, 67 of us were eventually charged with “Sedition.” We were released six months later when the state could not manufacture evidence to convict us. But six amongst us – Jeff Mwangi, Tom Mutuse, Ong’ele Opalla, Wahinya Boore, Ephantus Kinyua and Kituyi Simiyu – were convicted sentenced to jail term of six years each. Raila Odinga, Prof. Otieno Osanya and Otieno Mak’Onyango who had been charged with treason also had their charges dropped as they were detained without trial.
More than the foregoing, the attempted coup provided Moi with an arsenal to settle old scores and assert himself by systematically instituting an oppressive one-man state through consolidation, centralisation, and personalisation of power while neutralising disloyal elements, real and imagined. In his book, African Successes, David Leonard notes that the coup attempt was “a piece of good luck” for Moi. The attempt legitimised Moi’s reorganisation of the command structure of the armed forces and the police. Once the attempt had been made and suppressed, he was able to remove leaders from positions that were most threatening. The armed forces and the police “were neutralised”.

Ben Gethi, the Commissioner of Police, for instance, was detained at Kamiti and laterretired “in public interest”. Moi also eliminated Kikuyu and Luo officers from the military and put in Kalenjin and non-ethnic challengers. For instance, he named General Mahmoud Mohammed — an ethnic Somali — the army chief of general staff.
With the disciplined forces in the hands of handpicked loyalists, the political structure was next. President Moi had a Bill enacted that granted him emergency powers, and the provincial administration and civil service came under the Office of the President, for the first time in post-independence Kenya. In effect, a DC could stop an MP from addressing his constituents.

Next was Parliament, whose privilege to access information from the Office of the President was revoked, thus subordinating it to the presidency. The Legislature could only rubber-stamp — not check — the excesses of the Executive. That is how, in 1986, it imposed limitations on the independence of the Judiciary.

Two expatriate judges — Derek Schofield and Patrick O’Connor — resigned, lamenting that the judicial system was “blatantly contravened by those who are supposed to be its supreme guardians.” Parliament also gave police powers to detain critics of Moi’s authoritarian regime. It did not end there. The freedoms of the press, expression, association, and movement were curtailed. In effect, Kenya became a police state.

President Moi ensured that his presence was felt everywhere; he stared at you from the currency in your wallet and mandatory portraits in every business premise. Streets, schools, a stadium, university, airport, and monuments were named after him. He gobbled half the news time on radio and TV, where he was always the first bulletin item. Ministers wore lapel pins with his photo on them. Indeed, one Cabinet minister in the Moi government was said to have had a dozen suits, each with its own pin lapel – just in case he forgot and wore the wrong suit!

Moi was felt in the education system, in which students recited a loyalty pledge, learnt about the Nyayo philosophy in GHC, and drank Nyayo milk. In the remotest parts of the country, the local chief was the president’s eyes and ears.

Kanu replaced the secret ballot with a system where voters lined up behind candidates in 1986. Parliamentary candidates who secured more than 70 per cent of the votes did not have to go through the process of the secret ballot in the General Election in what was more or less a “selection within an election.”Take the case of Kiambu coffee picker Mukora Muthiora. He “defeated” the late Njenga Karume for the Kanu sub-branch chairmanship. Karume was then a former assistant minister for Cooperative Development. Provincial Commissioner Victor Musoga declared Muthiora the winner, yet he never participated in the election. The rest, as the saying goes, is history.

On the morning of March 27, 1986, Moi stopped at the gates of Kipsigis Girls High School where I was a teacher on his way to Kisii Teachers College to preside over a graduation ceremony. He arrived a few minutes to ten o’clock. Perched on the sunroof of his limousine, the President praised the school and told the students how fond of the school he was. He told them that it was due to his love for the school that he had given them big land and dairy cattle. He spotted me and warned that I should not teach subversion. “I have sent you good teachers like the Secretary General here, but he should desist from teaching subversive behavior,” And with those pronouncements, I knew my goose was cooked.

On Monday April 14, 1986 at around 7.00 p.m., I was picked up by the Special Branch after a three-hour search in my house. After 16 days of torture at the basement and 24th Floor of Nyayo House, I was sent to Kamiti maximum Prison for a four-year stint as Moi’s state guest.

Moi’s vindictiveness did not stop at the so-called dissidents. Their kith and kin were also guilty by association. None personifies this than Ida Betty Odinga. A young woman in her thirties with three children, the eldest of whom was barely nine years old, Ida Odinga was thrown into the deep end of the pool of life by Moi’s police state and expected to swim through. This was at a time when Moi had placed her father-in-law, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, under house arrest. When Raila was arrested and falsely charged with treason, she proclaimed her husband’s innocence and went on to seek for him the best legal representation locally and internationally. This struck mortal fear into the face and heart of Raila Odinga’s tormentors. Ida was determined that her husband got justice. The State was bent on perpetrating a sham trial on treason charges then hang Raila. To them this young woman was a nuisance. But they were forced to make a quick retreat. Since they had no evidence to sustain a charge of treason, they had no option but to withdraw the charges and place Raila Odinga in preventive detention. Because she had shown that she could fight for justice, she was no longer just another teacher – a public servant. Because of her association with “an enemy of the State,” Mrs Odinga was now “a person of interest.” Even though she tried to do her best in her job as a teacher at the Kenya High School and bring up her young children as a single mother, the Moi government would use security officers to constantly harass her with a hope of breaking her. She was eventually retired “in the public interest.”
Maina wa Kinyatti, having been jailed on October 18, 1982 and sentenced to six years in jail contnued to be tortured in jail by various methods, including being held naked and without food for up to seven days at a time, living with mental patients, subjected to arbitrary anal searches and being beaten with sticks while being forced to do physical exercises. The torture, in different form, was extended to his wife Mumbi. She became a marked person. Her interactions with her students were watched, her shopping analysed and her correspondences intercepted in the post office and read. On April 11, 1987 Mumbi was arrested while attending a Drama Festival in Embu. She was driven back to Nairobi and locked up overnight. In an interview with the New York Times published on April 27, Mumbi said that, during a total of seven hours of questioning, the police accused her of giving money to Mwakenya, organising exiles outside of the country and planning to train members of Mwakenya as guerrilla fighters.

Winnie Muga, was a student at Kenyatta University College at the time her husband, Muga K’Olale was arrested from their house in Umoja Estate. At the time of K’Olale’s arrest, Winnie had just given birth to their firstborn girl the previous week. As they arrested K’Olale, the officers turned their house inside out – throwing nappies around, moving furniture, and even ransacking the cradle. Leaving things strewn on the floor in both their two bedrooms, kitchen and the living room, Special Branch took K’Olale with him. Restoring order in that house was left to this woman that had just given birth a few days earlier. The police chaps did not tell Winnie Muga where they were taking her husband. The young woman was to spend the next four months combing police stations and the Kenya Police headquarters in Nairobi without a clue as to where her husband had been taken. After fifteen agonizing weeks of waiting to know the whereabouts of her husband, Winnie Muga was somehow relieved to know that the husband was alive but at the same time hit by a sentence of ten years in jail slapped on K’Olale after “an own plea” of guilt to a charge of Sedition. It was alleged that K’Olale knew about the coup plot and actively participated in its planning and execution.

Koigi wa Wamwere’s wife Nduta, and Koigi’s entire family had to endure intimidation and harassment by police on numerous occasions. Nduta eventually left Kenya in 1988 to join her husband who had fled Kenya after detention and was now living in exile in Norway. Koigi’s mother, Monica Wangu Wamwere, had her house surrounded and searched by the police on several occasions and demolished twice. In January 1995, the police once again surrounded Monica Wangu’s home while a service was being held there in memory of her husband, who had died a year earlier. She had refused to bury her husband until her two sons were allowed out of prison to attend his funeral.
Josephine Nyawira Ngengi, sister of G.G. Njuguna Ngengi who was on trial with Koigi, was arrested in May 1994 in Nakuru. She had been actively involved in the campaign for the release of political prisoners incarcerated by Moi and participated in the Mothers’ hunger strike in 1992. Nyawira was held incommunicado for 22 days before being charged with robbery with violence, which carries the death penalty. Two other women, Ann Wambui Ng’ang’a and Tabitha Mumbi, and 16 men were charged with the same offence. All the three women complained that they were tortured while in police custody. Nyawira stated that she was beaten and that blunt objects were forced into her genitalia until she bled. As other people canonize Moi and talk of his legacy, this is the Moi I knew. To rephrase Mark Anthony in Shakespeare’s play, Julius Caesar, The evil that men do lives after them;The good is oft interred with their bones;So let it be Moi.

Nairobi, February 5, 2020

Moi’s Land Grabbing exposed

A case in which the High court ordered Mr Moi to pay a family sh1 billion for 53 acres acquired illegally, adds to the growing list of suits filed against the former president and which might illuminate the rapacity of the former head state.

Rai Ply

In May 2019, the High Court in Eldoret, ordered the former president and Rai Plywood (K) Ltd to pay Sh1 billion to the family of ex-chief Noah Chelugui whose land Moi grabbed in September 1983, then later sold to a firm owned by the Jaswant Rai family.

Lima Limited

In April, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission moved to repossess prime land located within Eldoret town centre, after the Environment and Lands Court ruled that the land was irregularly transferred to Lima Ltd. Lima Ltd was jointly owned by Moi and the Nicholas Biwott, a former Cabinet minister. The retired president and the late Biwott formed the company in 1975 to take advantage of the Africanisation policy that was established in the 1970s, with the objective of loosening European and Asian businessmen’s grip on the economic power. The titles of the land were later used to secure a loan by Transnational Bank, another business owned by Moi and Biwot. On this plot stands the Eldoret Fire Station, the AP camp, the High Court, Children’s, Environment and Land courts, the Court of Appeal and a public hospital.

In October 2010, the courts also revoked ownership of seven pieces of land by Lima Ltd located in Eldoret town.

Tulip Properties Ltd

In another case, four businessmen, Mr Mohammed Koriow Nur, Mr Simon Kiprono Laboso, Mr Macdonald Lijoodi Maraka and Noor Mohammed Hassan accused Moi of grabbing their land and transferring it to a private company. The four businessmen claim that Mr Moi illegally and without any justifiable cause transferred the 16-acre piece of land situated near City Cabanas in Nairobi to Tulip Properties Ltd.  The case is still awaiting determination. as each has a title to the land worth Sh1.6 billion.


Mr Moi is also in a battle for a 20- acre piece of land claimed by United States International University-Africa (USIU-A). The university claims that the former president illegally sold the land to Dr George Kiongera for Sh500 million.  In the suit, Mr Moi is accused of selling the land to both the university and Dr Kiongera’s Maestro Connections Health Systems Ltd using reconstituted title deeds.

KPL and KPA Land

In May 2016, The Environment and Lands Court in Eldoret awarded two families Sh8 billion after ruling that two state agencies forcibly took 1,150 acres of their family land during Mr Moi’s presidency. The families named Mr Moi and former assistant minister and Mosop MP, the late Stanley Metto, as some of the illegal beneficiaries of the land taken from them 30 years ago. In his ruling, Justice Ombwayo ordered Kenya Pipeline Ltd and Kenya Ports Authority (KPA) to pay the two families that reside in Uasin Gishu the amount for grabbing 1,150 acres from them 30 years ago.

The suit also compelled the National Lands Commission, Ministry of Lands and the Director of Survey to pay the costs. The two families and three co-owners told the court that they bought 3,236 acres in 1977. Part of it was illegally sub-divided and allocated to several individuals and State agencies without their consent.

Ombwayo awarded the estate of Thomas Kipkogei Yator (deceased) Sh3.8 billion for the loss of 546 acres. He also directed that the estate of William Kimngeny Leting (deceased) be paid Sh4.1 billion for the loss of 604 acres.

Kabarak High School

Malcolm Bell won a titanic battle after the Supreme Court ruled in his favour, giving him back 110 acres of land.  Mr Bell and Mr Moi are neighbours in Kabarak where the former president has 1,080 acres (437.06 hectares) of land while Mr Bell owns 1,200 acres.  In court documents, Mr Bell said that Moi High School Kabarak, owned by the retired president, through its agents, encroached onto and occupied a portion of his land measuring about 110 acres in 1986 without any transfer of land being made to the school and with no compensation being made.  In his defence, Mr Moi and the school argued that Mr Bell gifted the school the land in 1993, prior to his demise and further contended that the school’s long occupancy of the land conferred adverse possessory rights of the land.  The protracted case was put to rest by the Supreme Court ruling after 10 years.

Uchumi Supermarket

Mr Moi and Mr Kulei through their company Solio Construction sold a 20-acre piece of land Roysambu Nairobi to Uchumi Supermarket in 2001. It later emerged that the land belonged to the military.

In the 80s, some ramshackle army land rovers doted the desolated land but they later disappeared. After that, Roysa Self Group tried to squat on the land. They were fought off by Uchumi and all was quiet until  Uchumi got itself into a financial mess.  Uchumi was in the process of selling the land to bail itself out of its financial crises when the military moved war hardware to the land and occupied the land.

Do you have unclaimed assets?

In the event that an owner of a property does not take any action during a certain duration to indicate his/her awareness of the property, the property will be regarded as unclaimed. As a result of such a development, the holding institution reports the existence of such property to the Unclaimed assets Authority (UFAA). UFAA may list search owners on their website.

Claiming Instructions

Specify your preferred mode of payment on your claim form. The Authority does NOT make payments in cash. Provide details for one of the following modes:
1.    Bank transfer – give account details e.g. name of bank, branch and account number.
If one of the following cases applies to you please attach the following details:
1.    Affidavit for change of name, if the name on ID is different from that on any other identity document for the claimant or if the name of a company has changed.
2.    If claiming a banker’s cheque submit the original banker’s cheque.
3.    If claiming an insurance policy submit the original policy document/ affidavit for a lost policy document.

Claiming by Original Owner

Where the owner is claiming, the following are the requirements:

1.    Completed form Original Owner(s) claim form ( Form 4A) duly commissioned
2.    Completed Indemnity agreement (Form 5) duly notarized
3.    An official letter from the holder confirming surrender of the assets to the Authority
4.     Certified copy of the claimant’s national identity card or passport. (Certified by a lawyer)
5.    Certified copy of claimant’s PIN certificate. (Certified by a lawyer)

6.    Provide Bank Statement of an active account. If more than one claimant, provide a statement of a joint bank account.

Claiming on Behalf (Beneficiary/Deceased cases)

Where the claimant is not the owner but has or asserts a legal right to an unclaimed asset, the claimant shall submit to the Authority the following:
1.    Completed beneficiary claim form ( Form 4B) duly commissioned
2.    Completed Indemnity agreement (Form 5) duly notarized
3.    An official letter from the holder confirming surrender of the assets to the Authority
4.    Certified copy of the claimant’s national identity card or passport.
5.    Certified copy of claimant’s PIN certificate.
6.    Certified certificate of death.
7.    Certificate of Confirmation of Grant/ Certificate of Summary Administration.

8.    Provide Bank Statement of an active account. If more than one claimant, provide a statement of a joint bank account.

Claiming on Behalf (where the owner is alive/agent for the owner)
Where the claimant is not the owner but is claiming as an agent on behalf of a living owner, the following are the requirements:
1.    Completed agent for owner claim form ( Form 4D) duly commissioned
2.    Completed Indemnity agreement (Form 5) duly notarized
3.    An official letter from the holder confirming surrender of the assets to the Authority
4.    Certified copy of the claimant’s national identity card or passport.
5.    Certified copy of claimant’s PIN certificate.
6.    Registered power of attorney. (Registered at the Ministry of Lands)

7.     Provide Bank Statement of an active account.
Claiming on Behalf of a minor
Where the claimant is claiming on behalf of a minor who is an original owner, the following are the requirements:
1.    Completed agent for owner claim form ( Form 4D) duly commissioned
2.    Completed Indemnity agreement (Form 5) duly notarized
3.    An official letter from the holder confirming surrender of the assets to the Authority
4.    Certified copy of the claimant’s national identity card or passport.
5.    Certified copy of claimant’s PIN certificate.
6.    Guardianship deed.

7.   Provide Bank Statement of an active account (if more than one claimant, provide a statement of a joint bank account).
Claiming on Behalf of a business entity
Where the claimant is claiming on behalf of a business entity, the following are the requirements:
1.    Completed business entity claim form ( Form 4C) duly commissioned
2.    Completed Indemnity agreement (Form 5) duly notarized
3.    An official letter from the holder confirming surrender of the assets to the Authority
4.    Completed form CR12 obtained from the Company Registrar indicating directors of a company.
5.    Certified copy of the directors’ national identity cards or passports.
6.    Certified copy of directors’ PIN certificates.
7.    Certificate of incorporation.

8. Provide a copy of CR12 document

9. Provide Bank Statement of an active account.

NOTE: If claiming an insurance policy provide an original policy document or an affidavit of loss.